Gender, African-Guyanese Women and General elections in the contemporary Guyanese society: 1953-2011

Gender, African-Guyanese Women and General elections in the contemporary Guyanese society: 1953-2011

By 

Hazel Woolford

                This paper examines gender equity and African- Guyanese women in the General elections in the contemporary society, from 1953 to 2011. In his work, Centenary History and Handbook of British Guiana   ( Georgetown:  The Argosy Company, 1931, reprinted by the Guyana Heritage Society in 2008), A.R.F. Webber had observed that in the first half of the twentieth century African- Guyanese females  had campaigned vigorously for the election of their male counterparts.  During the second half of the twentieth century Portuguese women had become very visible in the political campaigns.  However, it was the African –Guyanese females who predominated in the General elections since 1953 as political activists, candidates, as members of the audiences at the political meetings and, finally as voters.  The rough and tumble of politics eliminated many potential female candidates.   Researchers of women in politics have found that certain conditions had to be met, irrespective of her ethnicity, in order for any female candidate to successfully compete and survive the rigours of politics.  These conditions, will now be examined:

1.       Age range-  Women who were within the age range of 40 to 60 were selected as candidates for parliament, because they were more appealing to the electorate.  While their skin begins to lose the luster of youth, they have entered the most creative phase of their lives.

2.       Clothes – The female candidate’s choice of clothing, determined her selection as a parliamentarian by the leader of the political party.  The clothing said a lot about one’s socio-economic status and was an expression of her as a person.

   

Their status and role is examined in the elections of the

24 April, 1953,

12 August, 1957,

21 August, 1961,

7 December, 1964,

16 December, 1968,

16 July, 1973,

15 December, 1980,

9 December, 1985,

5 October, 1992,

15 December, 1997,

19 March, 2001,

28 August, 2006  and in the selection process for the Presidential and Prime Ministerial candidates for the Presidential and Prime Ministerial candidates for the 2011 General elections.

                Secondly, the paper has been divided into the following periods

1.       The PPP led by Dr. Cheddi  Jagan  first term in office from April to October,1953 and from 1957 to 1964.

2.       The PNC administration led by Forbes Burnham, governed Guyana from 1964 to 1985.

3.       The  PNC administration under Desmond Hoyte era, which lasted from 1985 to 1992.

4.       Dr.  Cheddi  Jagan’s  term as PPP/C President  from 1992 to 1997.

5.       Dr. Samuel Hinds served as PPP/ C  President  from March 1997 to 19 December, 1997.

6.       PPP/C President Mrs.  Janet  Jagan’s term lasted from 1997 to 1999.

7.       The PPP/ C Presidency of Dr. Bharrat  Jagdeo since 1999

8.       Mr. Robert Corbin’s leadership of the PNC and the Parliamentary Opposition since 2 May, 2003.   

9.       The Alliance For Change Party since 2005.

10.   The Joint Opposition Political Parties (JOPP),

·         of the Leader of the  People’s National Congress Reform – 1 Guyana (PNCR – 1G),   Mr. Robert Corbin

·         the  Co- Leaders of the Working People’s Alliance (WPA), Professor Clive Thomas and, Dr. Rupert  Roopnaraine

·         the Guyana Action Party (GAP)MP, Mr. Everall Franklin and, 

·         the  Leader of the National Front Alliance (NFA), Mr. Keith Scott  formed a  coalition, which had the nomenclature, A Partnership for National Unity (APNU) which was established on Friday 24 June, 2011. This association of political parties, Guyanese organizations and citizens came together to contest the 2011 General and Regional Elections.

Outstanding African- Guyanese personalities who fought for the reelection of their political parties include, Jessica Huntley( PPP), Philomena  Sahoye- Shury (PPP/C) Shirley Edwards ( PPP/C), Jennifer Westford (PPP/C) , Jennifer Webster (PPP/C); Jessica Burnham (PNC), Jane Phillips- Gay (PNC), Winifred Gaskin (PNC), Raj Latchmansingh (PNC), Neta Fredericks (PNC), Lucille Cox- David (PNC), Gertie Allsopp (PNC), Mary Bissember (PNC), Huldah Walcott (PNC), Shirley Field- Ridley (PNC), Joyce Gill (PNC),  Lurlena Peters (PNC/R), Deborah Barker (PNC/R), Clarissa Riehl( PNC/R), Genevieve Allen (  PNC/R),   Faith Harding (PNC/R), Esther Perreira  (PNC/R),  Cheryl Sampson (PNC/R), Jenny Wade (PNC/R),  Africo Selman ( PNC/R), Vanessa Kissoon (PNC/R), Volda Lawrence (PNC/R) , Joan Baveghens (PNC/R); Caroline John (UF);  Andaiye (WPA), Karen DeSouza (WPA), Bonita Harris (WPA)  and, Sheila Holder (AFC).  

Thirdly, in the context of gender, sex and politics, the paper will identify the important role of the African- Guyanese wives of political leaders.  Researchers have found that that, the main visible feature of a leader of a country, is his ability to include his wife, in the administration of his political party, or the governance of the country.  This inclusion in the political administration and campaigns is evidenced by the role she assumes. This can take different roles, namely,

1.        Travelling companion or,

2.       Advisor on women and gender issues or as

3.       A   member of the team.

                In fact, in a comparative study of women in politics in Africa, the Caribbean and, Guyana, it will be observed that the role of the wife of a political leader in Africa is taken more seriously than in Guyana and the Caribbean.  In many countries in Anglophone Africa, the wife is sent to England to special institutions where she is trained to perform the functions of the wife of a politician.   Within Guyana, there have been a few stellar examples such as Sheila Burnham, Patricia Benn, Viola Burnham, Yvonne Hinds and, Carol Corbin.

Dr. Sheila Burnham, the first wife of the P.N.C. Founder / Leader, Forbes Burnham, had very active in his political life, when he had run for  the office of Mayor of Georgetown.  She had accompanied the trade unionists / politicians, Evilina Davis and Jane Phillips- Gay, on the campaign trips.

  Mrs. Patricia Benn, the wife of the Deputy Premier of the Dr. Cheddi Jagan P.P.P. administration, was very active in the organization of women.  She had been a President of the Women’s People Organization (WPO), the women’s auxiliary of the P.P.P.   She had accompanied her husband on several of his State visits.

Mrs. Viola Burnham, the second wife of Prime Minister Forbes Burnham, had very active in politics as a young university student in Britain.  Her marriage to Burnham helped her to appreciate her early exposure to active politics.  She had also accompanied her husband on several State visits.  She was a founder-member and, first Vice- President of the Caribbean Women’s Association (CARIWA), an organization of wives of Caribbean Heads of Governments and female politicians.  The 1970s was a period of global advocacy for women’s liberation and Viola Burnham was at the hub of the women’s movement in Guyana.  She led Guyana’s delegations to congresses in St. Kitts-Nevis (1972); Grenada (1974) and, Trinidad and Tobago (1976), presenting papers on ‘The role of women in politics’ and, ‘Women on the move’.  She had also led Guyana’s  delegations to the World conferences of the United Nations decade for women in Mexico (1975), Copenhagen (1980) and, Nairobi (1985).

                In 1997, Mrs. Janet Jagan had complimented Mrs. Viola Burnham for fashioning the women’s arm of the P.N.C. into the most formidable political women’s organization and, electoral machine in the Caribbean.  Burnham had been elected the first Vice-Chairperson of the Women’s Revolutionary Socialist Movement, in 1967, the year of her marriage.  She was elected to the Chairmanship of the organization, nine years later.  In July 1991, Burnham boasted that she had never participated in an election campaign that her party had not won.  She stated that she had been on the campaign trail in 1968, 1973 and 1985 and the P.N.C. had won every time.

                The strength of Mrs. Yvonne Hinds, the wife of former P.P.P./ C President Samuel Hinds and Prime Minister since 1999 lay in community activism.  Her husband had been the Presidential candidate of the GUARD movement.  Her genesis in political activism was in the women’s social organizations in Linden.  She had been actively involved in the early childhood programmes and in custodial care of children.  When her husband was appointed Prime Minister  in the P.P.P./ C administration, Yvonne Hinds chose to continue her political activism by assuming the chair of the Guyana Relief Council (GRC).  This organization received a national award in May 2011- the Medal Service award.

                Mrs. Carol Corbin, the wife of Mr. Robert Corbin, the Leader of the P.N.C.R.-1G and the Parliamentary Opposition was effective at mobilization.  She promoted the image of the political party as one with a social conscience.  It was from this perspective that she insisted that the P.N.C.R. -1G  had a social responsibility to prepare and educate the electorate from childhood.  She organized successful literacy programmes.                  

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Sukhdeo, I “Racial Integration, with special reference to Guyana” DPhil Thesis, university of Sussex, 1969 Sukhdeo, I “The Emergence of a Multiracial Society: the sociology of multiracialism with reference to Guyana” 1982 Swan, Michael British Guiana: Land of Six peoples London: Her Majestys Stationery Office, 1957 Tennassee, Paul Nehru, “Guyana The Race Problem 1965-1992” Guyana Journal. n.d Thakur, Rishi “Crime, Ethnicity and the Political impasse in Guyana” Transition No 30 2008 Thomas, Clive “The situation of African Guyanese in the Economy” Georgetown: ACDA 1997 Thomas, Clive “Problems of the African Guyanese: The economic situation.” Emancipation No 5. 1997-1998 Thomas, Clive “Revisiting Theories of Race and Class” in Kampta Karran ed Race and Ethnicity in Guyana. Georgetown; Offerings publications, 2000 Trotz, Alissa & Peake, Linda Gender, Ethnicity and Place; Women and Identity in Guyana. London: Routledge, 1999 Trotz, Alissa “Gender, Ethnicity and familial ideology in Georgetown Guyana: Household structure and female labour force participation reconsidered” in Patricia Mohamed Editor, Gendered Realities; Essays in Caribbean Feminist Thought. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2002 Trotz, Alissa “Race-baiting only benefits two main parties” Stabroek News July 13, 2006 Wagner, Michael J “Rum, policy, and the Portuguese: Or, the Maintenance of elite Supremacy in post-Emancipation British Guiana. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 14(4) 1977 Wallace, E “British Guiana; The Causes of the Present Discontents” International Journal xixno 4 1964 Watson, D. and Craig, C Guyana at the Crossroads. London: Transaction Book, 1991. Westmaas, Nigel “Viewpoint: Faces of Racism” Guyana Review, May 1993. Westmaas Nigel “A Profile of African and East Indian Ethnic Associations in British Guiana” Stabroek News, May 13. 1999 Williams, Brackette “Stains on my Name, War in my Veins: Guyana and the Politics of a Cultural Struggle”. Durham & London: Duke University Press, 1991 Wilson, Stacey-Ann Chap 4; ‘Guyana the Uncooperative Republic” in (Wilson) Politics of Identity in Small Plural Societies: Guyana, the Fiji Islands, and Trinidad and Tobago Palgrave Macmillan; 1st Ed. Edition, 2010 MISC Arguments for Unity (WPA pamphlet) Janet Jagan speaks on Eusi Kwayana’s Statement on Racial Equality Guiana Graphic n.d Peoples Progressive Party, “The racialists of Guyana”, 1964 New World Associates, “Working Notes toward the Unification of Guyana. New World Quarterly, March 1963 Guyanese Indian Foundation Trust: Symposium on Civil disorder. Georgetown, Guyana 1998 Report of the British Guiana Commission of Enquiry: Racial problems in the Public Service (ICJ, 1965) in Readings in Government and Politics of the West Indies. Kingston: n.d National and Racial Unity: A New Beginning (speeches of Dr Cheddi Jagan) Georgetown: Guyana Information Service, 1996. Plan for Racial Equality approved. (At mass meeting, Bourda Green) Daily Chronicle, September 4, 1961 Ravi Dev’s 1989 federal solution “Civil War Diary (1964)” Emancipation Vol 2 no 12, 2004-2005 WPA: Affirmation on race (Dayclean) Dayclean Vol 16, No 17, Sept 19-Oct 3, 1992 “Corruption : party politics, challenging ethnic communities” Dayclean Vol 18, No 1, April 17, 1996 WPA: “Government of National Unity and Reconstruction 1979 “Homage to Hurudaia: 40th anniversary of the massacre is commemorated” (Son Chapman Tragedy Commemoration Committee) Emancipation Vol 2, no 12, 2004-2005 Conference on the Plight of the African-Guyanese. African Cultural Development Association. Georgetown: Guyana, 1997 Racial Attitudes of Africans and Indians in Guyana “British Guiana: Race War” Time Friday, June 05, 1964 “Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Disturbances in British Guiana in February 1962” London; Her Majestys Stationery office, 1962 “Indian economic power or an excuse for African Political Dominance” Jaguar committee for Democracy, Vol 4 no 1 Aug/Sept 1992 “King hits Jagan for Race Prejudice” Daily Chronicle, Jan 21, 1957 “King Drops Bombshell” Statement on Racial Equality Guyana Chronicle July 27, 1961 Kwayana Explains the Audrey Chase incident Weekend Post & Sunday Argosy Feb 14, 1971 ASCRIA chides Dr. Lewis on black Power Issue – Eusi Kwayana Sunday Graphic, Dec 19, 1971 Eusi Kwayana on Halim Majeed’s National Reconciliation, Caribbean Daylight, May 5, 2006 “Chinese at Hopetown Settlement Complain of Black People trespassing on their lands” (Archdeacon Gwyther to Government Secretary, 11 February 1897 in govt Secretary’s Office File No. 1080 Feb 1897) “People Question Race” Open Word January 30 No.349 1989 “PNC Playing Race” Open Word May 1 No.360 1989 “Race & Rape : Act of Brutality” Dayclean Vol 16, No 6, April 11-25, 1992.

Fort Nassau By Lauren Grant

Part 2: Notes Fort Nassau By Lauren Grant Fort Nassau, a 17th Century ruin, is one of nine gazetted National Monuments in Guyana. This edifice is located on the Right Bank of the Berbice River, 56 miles from its mouth. Like other countries which built Forts as modes of protection, British Guiana now Guyana, was no exception. The standard construction material for fort construction throughout the world during and before the 19th Century was usually of brick or stone. Some forts were originally constructed of timber then rebuilt with a stronger material. This was done with Fort Zeelandia located on Fort Island, 16 km from the mouth of the Essequibo River. Early records of Fort Nassau revealed that it was erected in 1627 shortly after the establishment of Berbice as a trading post by a private merchant, Abraham Van Pere. It was enlarged and improved in 1684. The Fort was captured in 1712 by Jacques Cassard. When commandeer Steven De Waterman arrived in the colony in 1712 he pronounced that the fort was “in bad repair and wanting renewal” as a result of the grave pillaging of the area by the French pirates. It was enlarged again and built of brick around 1734 and destroyed in 1763. This ruin which once held the seat of Government is now also known as the base from which the famous 1763 rebellion had its origins. Fort Nassau was finally abandoned in the late 18th century. One of the most important aspects of Fort Nassau, apart from the slave uprising, is the fact that it is the cradle of Christianity in Guyana. Historical records show that during the days of the Dutch occupation of Guyana, they brought the first Christian missionary to the country and the first Christian church was established there. This was the Dutch Reformed Church. The Dutch had left a considerable sum of money for the church but because of a brief lapse in activities the then British Guiana Government established what was known as the Lutheran Fund by an act in Parliament. Today, the foundation of the interior structure remains; these include the soldiers’ barracks, the main building which housed the higher ranked authorities, and a redoubt. There are also grave plots. . Some suggest that there is also the “Talking tree” of Fort Nassau, which was purported to have been used to send messages during the 1763 rebellion. The original fort was burnt by the French in 1712 but rebuilt by the Dutch; it was destroyed by order of the Governor, Van Hoogenheim in 1763 to prevent its capture by the rebelling slaves. The environs of Fort Nassau were recently enhanced with the erection of eight large signs. One depicts a Map and seven others are placed along the nature trail to guide persons to the individual sites. Each sign shows a brief description of the particular site with supporting images. These are, The Western and Eastern Graveyards, the “Court of Assembly Site”, The Warehouse, The Inn Steps, The Lutheran Church and finally, the Bridge. The Individual Sites: • The Lutheran Church The first Lutheran Church in Berbice was reportedly established on this site. Today, the iron sign still stands to symbolise the presence of what once was the location of the Church. • The Western and Eastern Grave sites The western grave site has five gravestones which are oriented almost parallel to the Berbice River. Only senior officials and their close relatives were buried there, between 1771 and 1789. Among those buried there, are two former Governor Generals of the Colony of Berbice. Some of the gravestones exhibit a crest. The graves situated at the eastern grave site have fewer decorations, drawing the conclusion that persons of lesser importance were buried there. One grave was that of a four year old child. • The Court of Assembly Site The remaining evidence of this building is the semi circular brick steps which may have led to the same facade of the building. • The Warehouse The remains of the Warehouse also known as the Barracks is the actual foundation measuring 23.2 metres by 72.7 metres long. • The Inn Steps The remains of this building are the two levels of brick steps which faces the Berbice River. • The Bridge This site has the remains of a brick bridge which had collapsed; in addition the bricks were looted to build ovens. The base of the bridge is easily recognisable. As recently as twenty years ago, this brick bridge was in fair condition, but since then, it has been a victim to severe erosion as a result of digging by bottle hunters and looting of bricks for building ovens. Throughout the years Fort Nassau was exposed to several attempts at preserving the original nature of the ruins. In addition numerous steps have been taken to promote the Fort as a source of cultural heritage, tourism and exquisite wildlife. The trails leading to the various sites at Fort Nassau are available to each visitor to explore and enjoy. This year we celebrate 250th anniversary of the 1763 Berbice slave rebellion for which Fort Nassau played a significant role. References Benjamin, Anna – 1998, Anthropology and Archaeology: Fort Nassau and the Van Wallenburg Thesis: A Re- Evaluation of the Evidence, pg. 8-22. Walter Roth Museum 1998. Hernandez, Lennox – 2011 June 12, Sunday Times: Fort Nassau, pg 23. Newman, Mark – 1991, Fort Nassau Archaeological Project 1991: A first Interim Report. Persaud, Nirvana – 2010, Monuments and Sites in Guyana: Fort Nassau, pg 8. National Trust of Guyana 2010. Singh, Herman – 1977, June 19. The Guyana Chronicle: Govt. restores historical Fort Nassau, pg 14. Wallenburg, Martin van – 1995, Journal of Archaeology and Anthropology: Sites of Fortifications and Administrative Headquarters of Early Dutch Colonists on the Berbice River, pg. 48-57.

Governance in an ethnically divided society: The Guyana case.

Chapter 1: Governance in an ethnically divided society By Aubrey Norton This paper gives conceptual clarity to the notions of governance and good governance. It then discusses the major problems facing Guyana as an ethnically divided society. It considers good governance as important to the democratic process. However, it is argued that the nature of the problems confronting Guyana demands a change in the political system to one based on power sharing if Guyana is to surmount its problems. It also discusses the People’s Progressive Party/Civic(PPP/C) and the People’s National Congress Reform positions on the power sharing issue before arriving at conclusions as to the way forward. Governance The concept of governance has been very much in focus recently because of ‘its capacity -unlike that of the narrower term “government”- to cover the whole range of institutions and relationships involved in the process of governing’ (Pierre and Peters 2000, 1). ‘Governance’ is however a broader term than ‘government’. It refers in its widest sense to the various ways through which social life is coordinated. Government can therefore be seen as one of the organizations involved in governance: it is possible in other words to have ‘governance without government’ (Heywood 2000, 19). Governance deals with all the actors involved in the governing and steering of society, it ‘means thinking about how to steer the economy and society, and how to reach the collective goals’ (Pierre and Peters, 2000, 1). The emphasis is on how the society is governed, the style and approach that are utilized in governing. The UNDP contends that: Governance can be seen as the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country’s affairs at all levels. It comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences. (http://ww.undp.orgmagnet/policy chapter 1) Governance therefore focuses on the manner in which power is exercised in the management of the affairs of a country. It denotes how people are ruled, how the affairs of state are administered and regulated, a nation’s system of politics and how this functions in relation to public administration and law. Governance is seen as having a political dimension (Landell-Mills and Serageldin 1991, 304). If one accepts that governance deals with how society is governed, then to the extent that the problems to be addressed are systemic, improving or changing the way we govern will not be able to resolve problems that are rooted in the system. The resolution of such conflicts will demand both a change in the approach to governance, as well as a change in the system itself. It is for this reason that the ethnic problems in Guyana will have to be addressed both at the level of the system and at the level of governance. Although some theorists argue that the state’s role and consequently that of the government is decreasing in the governance continues in the main, to be responsible for governance. However, government’s role has not been static, ‘the role that government plays in governance is a variable and not constant … there are models of governance that are state-centred and some that are more society-centred”. (Pierre and Peters 2000, 29) Historically, governance in Guyana has been state-centred. Side by side with state centred governance has been the clamour for the establishment of a democratic society. The society therefore has been characterized by two tendencies. The first seeks to place emphasis on a key role for and even dominance of the state and tends to be advocated by the political party in government and its supporters. The second tendency seeks to shift Guyana from its state-centred nature to one that involves other key actors, especially civil society, in the governance process. This is generally advocated by the opposition forces and their supporters. However, there are situations, especially when the society is in a political crisis and the government needs a way out, where it compromises and is more disposed to the involvement of the wider society in the governance process. It is in this period that agreements are made and there is the manifestation of some amount of tolerance. However, in the Guyanese context agreement cannot be necessarily seen as progress since, ‘[r] ather than resolve conflicts, some accords merely serve to create new disputes’. (Rupesingh, 1996, 27) The importance of understanding these trends is that there exists both a movement towards state-centred and society-centred governance depending on where the political forces in the society find themselves vis-à-vis state power and the political state of affairs at the time: the tendency for those in opposition to emphasise society-centred governance. In the circumstance, there is no guarantee that if left to the political parties the society-centred approach to governance will prevail. In addition, since the position of the political forces changes or is not as stringent depending on where they find themselves vis-à-vis the state, there is need for change at the of the system to ensure that the resolution of Guyana’s ethnic problems is not left to the whims and fancies of the government and opposition, but that the system itself is conducive and suitable to the resolution of ethnic conflict. That all the political forces see the wisdom of society-centred governance while in opposition or when in crisis, since it serves either as a check against the abuse of power, or as a release valve for tension in crisis times, suggests that there is recognition that there is need for what in recent times has been called ‘good governance’ as a solution to Guyana’s problems. Good Governance Good governance is seen as promoting democracy. It is aimed at shifting power from the government as the only actor to other actors in society, thus making power more diffused, less prone to abuse, and in service of as many interests as possible. Like democracy, governance must be seen as being on a ‘continuum of shifting power closer and closer to the people’. (Norton 2002, 2) Good governance constitutes a paradigm shift in that it takes a political economy approach to the development of developing countries having for years dealt with politics as separate from economics. ‘The new perspective ... is basically a political-economy one that, in two spheres of activity in the peculiar circumstances of a large group of developing countries’. (Ferguson 1995, 161) Good ‘against the backdrop of the supremely confident triumphalism of the Western industrialised countries at the end of the 1980s. This triumphalism is linked to the apparent supremacy of market economy and liberal models of political democracy’ (Ferguson 1995, 159) and the proliferation of ‘democratisation movements that had been spreading in many developing countries’. (Ferguson 1995, 160). The foregoing suggests that good governance is contextual- it is the product of a particular national and international situation. To the extent that it is contextual it is not interwoven into the fabric of the political and economic system and thus can change with the prevailing national and international situation. In this circumstance it cannot be left to politicians’ commitment to good governance since those who govern tend to govern within the state-centred governance paradigm rather than based on democratic governance. That apart, good governance opens new vistas for addressing the problems of ethnicity in the Guyanese society in that it involves practices that are good rather than institutions run by unaccountable officials and the concomitant corrupt practices. Good governance is ‘participatory, transparent and accountable. It is also effective and equitable. And it promotes the rule of law’. (UNDP, 2). While good governance can contribute to the attenuation of ethnic problems in Guyana; it is questionable as a solution since we lack a democratic culture and many of the problems are rooted in the majoritarian nature of the inherited Westminister/Whitehall system (see Ghanny, 1994, for a comprehensive discussion). The Problem of the Majoritarian Political System The source of the problem is that these ethnically divided societies have inherited majoritarian political systems that originated i, and were created for, class divided societies and therefore are not appropriate to plural societies (see Lewis, 1965 for a thorough analysis of the limitations of the majoritarian system). The consequences of the majoritarian nature of the existing political system is that it is exclusionary. After general elections, there is a ‘majority’ government. The government then governs on its majority without being required to be responsive to the concerns of the other interests in society. This problem is compounded by the government operating on the assumption that winning an election is the most important aspect of democracy and thus governs in a manner that is based on the traditional ‘top down’ approach to governance. The policies and programmes adumbrated by government are diktat. There is no proclivity towards seeking consensus. This system excludes large sections of the society and raises the issue of the legitimacy of such a system in a plural society such as Guyana. The consequence of the ‘top down’ traditional approach to governance is that the actions of the PPP/C government which draws its support predominantly from the Indo-Guyanese community are seen as excluding a large section of the society. The excluded section is the African Guyanese community from which the PNCR predominantly draws its support. As a corollary, the political system itself produces a political division. This political division in a homogenous polity would remain political. However, in the Guyanese context where the society is plural and in which support for political parties is premised on ethnicity, the problem takes on an ethnic dimension and thus eventuates in both political and ethnic division and conflict. These political and ethnic division conflicts tend to reinforce each other and become inseparable. In the light of the foregoing, it is reasonable to conclude that Plurality is the principal political problem of most of the new states created in the twentieth century. Most of them include people who differ from each other in language or tribe or religion or race: some of these groups live side by side in a long tradition of mutual hostility: restrained in the past only by a neutral imperial power. (Lewis 1965, 66) However, in the postcolonial era there is no common enemy in the form of the imperial power. The departure of the imperial power has resulted in local political actors being responsible for the state in the postcolonial era. Problem of State Allocation of Resources The issue of state allocation of resources is one of the sources of conflict in ethnically divided societies. Guyana is a postcolonial ethnically divided society in which ‘the State overshadows the market as the controller and distributor of economic opportunity and resources’ (Rupesingh 1988, 205). With the state as the major institution responsible for the allocation of resources, ‘how the State allocates these resources will determine to a large extent, in a plural society, whether there will be cohesion and cooperation or conflict and protest’. (Norton 2002, 18)

September is 'Education month' in Guyana.

Guyana Institute of Historical Research Journal Volume 2: Education policy changes and economic crisis in Guyana in the 1970s.

Education  policy changes and economic crisis in Guyana in the 1970s

By
 Dwayne Benjamin

This article seeks to examine the debt crisis of the 1980s on the education systems in Guyana specifically as it relates to nursery, primary and secondary sectors.   In so doing, this article will be divided into parts; firstly, an examination of the education policy changes of the 1970s and secondly, an examination of the impact of the debt crisis on the education sectors from the late 1970s to the mid 1980s.
  The early 1970s can be considered as a period of changes and prosperity in the context of the post colonial development in Guyana.  In the aftermath of independence, the PNC led administration embarked on concerted efforts aimed at the decolonization and restructuring of the Guyanese economy and society along socialist lines.   Thus, the education sectors was seen as a crucial part in the process of decolonization.  The synergistic relation between education and national development within a post colonial framework was established as early as 1968, in a policy Memorandum on Education and it stated devising a national system of Education and in drawing up educational programmes for Guyana, the government is fully cognizant of the fact  that education plays a vital  role in the economic and social advancement of the country.  An educated citizenry is our best investment in progress and development.  "Some commentators argued that it was philosophical position that served as the catalyst for the priority given to educational policy changes during the early 1970s.  While this might be debatable in some circles, what was more certain was the fact that in the post independence era there was a growing discomfort in the upper echelons of the government as to the "pace and direction  of educational changes in Guyana".  This discomfort largely centered around the development agenda, the elite system that in general characterized the educational sectors.   In fact one of the main criticisms of the inherited education system was that it represented a mismatch between the expectation of education and development.   According to then education Minister Shirley Field-Ridley, "the need for the change in education from this vantage point is derived from the fact that the output of that type of education system did meet the vital requirement of the education for development.   The colonial political economy and the associated education system were simply not concerned with development.   Foremost among these changes was to introduce a policy for university by way of the constitutional Amendment Bill of 1976, this policy was later enshrined in the 1980 constitution as a fundamental right of citizens.   By virtue of the passing of this bill in 1976, all formal education institutions came under state control.  The policy of universal free education even though controversial, was symbolic of the important of the value attributed to education by the state.   Since, it resulted in close to 696 schools coming under the control of the state.   Most of these schools were privately financed or owned by church organization.  Secondly,  it also meant that fee paying was now heavily subsidized by the state.  Thirdly, this policy represented a bold step in the face of adversity at a time when from all indicators, it would seem that Guyana was about to experience an economic decline by the end of the decade.  Even more significant was the fact that this policy created the demand for increased education expenditures in the form of infrastructural investment, the cost of which had to be borne solely by the state.   Consequently, between 1970 and 1979 there were increases in the number of educational institutions in Guyana from 432 to 1,214 (primary school and primary tops were 758).  This increase was equally matched by increases in enrollment numbers and participation rates from a total of 162,076 to 182, 682.
  In addition to the policy of universal free education, a policy of state subsidization of education was also pursued.    This policy of subsidization of education resulted in increased expenditure by the state on the education sectors.  Tyrone Ferguson states, "the 1970s were marked by substantially high levels of public spending on education.   "This was reflected by increases in educational expenditures as a percentage of Gross Domestic Products between 1970 and 1980 averaging in excess of 5.3% as compared to 4.6% between 1966 and 1969.   Similarly educational expenditures as percentages of total government expenditures also increased during the same period from 13.7% in 1970 to 18.1% in 1978 and by 1980, it was almost 16%.    The policy of state subsidization in tandem with the universal free education meant that most of the financing for the education sectors was a matter for the state.   State subsidization of education was unique to Guyana during this period, since embarked on policies aimed at cost recovery programmes in the education sectors.
  A third significant change during this era had to do with the expansion of the curriculum at the secondary level.   One of the criticisms of the pre 1970s education system was restricted to a privileged class," mainly the academically inclined or person with interests in religious education.  The object of curriculum changes during this period as espoused by Minister Field-Ridley was to facilitate "the provision of the extensive range of skills that were needed for national development purposes".   In this regard, the modification of the curriculum beyond traditional "grammar school type education", to include a more "skill based type" by the provision of technical and vocational educational was seen as a necessary imperative.   As such, technical and vocational education was include as part of the curriculum in the secondary level.
  To support this new curriculum, three tertiary institutions of technical and vocational education, as well as five multilateral schools were established namely;- Department of Technical studies was established in Anna Regina secondary in 1970, the New Amsterdam Technical Institute in 1971 and, the Guyana Industrial Training in 1972, along with the establishment of multilateral schools at Linden, New Amsterdam, Bladen Hall, Anna Regina and, Ruimveldt.   This new policy approach to secondary education , not only provided an ideal solution to a crucial problem in the hitherto education system in persons would have been excluded or marginalized by virtue of not being academically inclined, but was critical in providing the necessary skills that were needed to support the development agenda of the feed, clothe and, house plan of 1972-1976.    Finally, effort was made to improve the quality and delivery of education at the end a total of $26 million dollars, financed mainly World Bank infrastructure loans was used to build two teachers training at the primary and, secondary levels.
  In the final analysis, it is important to note that while these policy changes might have impacted positively on the development agenda of Guyana during the early 1970s mainly by the expansion of opportunities to education, infrastural development, curriculum reforms, state subsidies and, state provision of opportunities, to education these developments cannot be sen as isolated, from the economic prosperity of the period.
  According to some economists, the period between 1970 and 1975 can be considered as a period of "phenomenal economic boom" in the Guyana economy.   Driven largely by favourable global commodity prices and increased production in the country major export commodities such as rice, sugar and bauxite.   Guyana experienced consistently rapid economic growth rates averaging 3.9 between 1970 and 1975.  Consequently, it is argued that much of the changes in the education sectors during this period.  However, the debt crisis of the late 1970s and early 1980s, had profound implications, for the education sectors in Guyana.